Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS <p>JPRSS is a collective effort. Our team members aim to synergize their potential and efforts to create a multi-disciplinary, productive, and inclusive international academic fraternity at Minhaj University Lahore. Moving forward with a pro-student approach, we consider students and young scholars as our primary asset and important target audience. The basic purpose is to develop a reading habit and promote a culture of knowledge exchange in students. Therefore, we encourage academia, experts, writers, and young scholars to contribute theoretical and empirical research papers and articles with current and historical insights. To acknowledge the significance of the latest debates and discussions and pitch in with these emerging discourses, JPRSS also accepts the reviews of the latest books or texts for publication.</p> en-US jprss@mul.edu.pk (Dr. Hassan Farooq Mashwani) asad.crd@mul.edu.pk (Dr. Muhammad Asad (Centre for Research and Development)) Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000 OJS 3.3.0.5 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Maritime Challenges in the Indian Ocean: Security, Environment, and South Asian Cooperation https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1066 <p><em>The importance of the Indian Ocean in the 21<sup>st</sup> century can be gauged from the global economic activity dependence on its waters. It ensures free flow of international trade, energy transportation, and regional connectivity. For South Asian countries, with a population of more than 2 billion, the Indian Ocean is their lifeline, providing connectivity with the rest of the globe, the Indian monsoon brings changes in the seasons for the sustenance of their agriculture sector, and supports millions of livelihoods. It also directly contributes to their food security.&nbsp; However, the region is devoid of unity due to age-old political differences, including border disputes, and the desire to lead and control single-handedly. In the maritime arena, South Asia faces a complex array of maritime challenges, including traditional security threats, geopolitical competition, and challenges to maintain vital sea lines of communication passing through it. These challenges have increased the importance of cooperation in maritime governance among littoral states. South Asia is also facing multiple challenges in non-traditional security domains. In addition to traditional threats like piracy, maritime terrorism, narcotics, small arms, and human trafficking, the Indian Ocean region is also severely exposed to the impact of climate change, increasing temperatures, melting glaciers, marine pollution, overfishing, and degradation of coastal ecosystems, limited environmental resilience, extreme weather events, and the depletion of marine biodiversity. No single state of the region has the capacity to tackle these colossal challenges, which necessitate collaboration and cooperation for managing governance of the sea to ensure healthy oceans for future generations. Existing regional initiatives and confidence-building mechanisms offer important platforms for collaboration, but greater institutional coordination and political commitment are needed. By enhancing cooperative approaches among South Asian states and broader Indian Ocean stakeholders, the region can better address shared security risks, environmental concerns, and the long-term sustainability of maritime resources.</em></p> Cdre Dr Baber Bilal Haider, Prof. Dr. Sajid Mehmood Shahzad Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1066 Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000 Community-Led Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) through SRAM Model in the UK: Evaluating Policy Implications for Pakistan https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1067 <p><em>This research paper analyses the effectiveness of community-led counter-extremism models and the Socio-Religio-Academic Mentoring (SRAM) model, which was developed in the United Kingdom. Based on detailed mixed-methods research, the study compares community-led and government-led Counter Violent Extremism (CVE) programs. It delves into the practical application of the SRAM approach in Pakistan. The qualitative phase involved document review of the UK-based CVE initiatives, semi-structured interviews, and focus group discussions of the UK-based CVE initiatives, and the quantitative phase involved a survey of around 500 Pakistani university students, which aimed to measure awareness and attitudes towards extremism. Key findings include that the participation, completion, and level of trust in community-led programs are significantly higher than the participation and completion of government-led programs. The SRAM approach yielded significant positive results, such as increased educational engagement, improved employability, decreased reoffender rates, and improved critical thinking skills. Overall, Pakistani students had a high awareness of the causes of extremism, but a low conceptual understanding, making it crucial to provide a structured education on CVE in higher education institutions. This research concludes that effective CVE strategies need to include education, mentoring, and community involvement, as well as consider cultural, religious, and socioeconomic issues. The suggestions are to set up compulsory CVE modules in universities, create elaborate mentoring programs, and improve the relationship between educational institutions and community organizations and also to change the SRAM model for the socio-political context in Pakistan. The article adds to the worldwide debate concerning counter-extremism, delivering evidence-based lessons learned about interventions delivered in the community and their potential for lasting effect.</em></p> Prof. Dr. Toaha Qureshi Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1067 Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000 The Psychology of US Foreign Policy in Post-9/11 Era: Fear, Security, and Moral Justification https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1068 <p><em>The global order and the American comfort factor in international relations came to a halt with the terrorist attack of 9/11. The American reaction has been studied from a strategic and geopolitical viewpoint. However, the psychological forces that drove decision makers during this period are less studied. After 9/11, the US went out in a largely moral direction because there was a collective fear, a greater awareness of death, and a feeling of moral absolution. It investigates the emotional and cognitive impulses behind it. In addition, these factors combine to legitimate preemptive warfare. Applying Terror Management Theory (TMT) and political psychology knowledge can be used to understand post 9/11 behavior. It will use qualitative content analysis of presidential speeches, policy documents. There are three patterns revealed here. The attacks made people feel insecure, which enhanced worst-case thinking instead of rational and evidence-based risk assessment and response. The second instance of moral framing, specifically the moral framing of the conflict as between “good” and “evil”, allows the framing of controversial acts, like the violation of state sovereignty, as moral imperatives. The execs chose the same option based on the same assumption, marginalizing other kinds of intelligence. The study reveals that the US foreign policy during this period was affected by the wish for safety, certainty and meaning on the part of policy makers. Awareness of this is essential to prevent policy overreaction due more to psycho-emotional chaos than to rational long-term strategic thinking.</em></p> Dr. Sadia Rafique, Iqra Ijaz Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1068 Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000 Determinants of Juvenile Delinquency in Pakistan: Family, Peers, and Law https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1069 <p><em>The occurrence of juvenile delinquency is a complicated socio-legal phenomenon that interrelates with the concepts of family, peer, and institutional influences. This study will discuss the partnership of family structure, peer influence, and the Juvenile Justice System Act 2018 to determine the causes of juvenile delinquency in District Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan. Data was collected on 236 participants, comprising police officers, attorneys, psychologists, sociologists, and community members, through a quantitative cross-sectional survey approach. SPSS was used to perform descriptive statistical analysis to determine patterns in the perceptions and behavioral determinants. Results demonstrate that family environment is a critical determinant of juvenile behavior, strong parental communication and supervision are protective factors, and family disruption and domestic violence are factors that predispose juvenile behavior to delinquency. The peer influence was found to be important yet conditional, with most of the conditional aspects on family bonding and supervision. The research also shows that there is little awareness and ambivalent views of how well the Juvenile Justice System Act 2018 works; this finding can undermine the deterrent and rehabilitative effect of the Act. The respondents expressed their great favor for rehabilitative and family-based interventions over punitive measures. The research finding concludes that juvenile delinquency is mainly influenced by micro-level social structure, especially families, and recommends interconnected policy responses that focus on family strengthening, legal awareness, and rehabilitation under the Juvenile Justice System Act of 2018.</em></p> Dr. Saima Manzoor, Dr. Wahid Mehmood, Muhammad Farooq Anwar Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1069 Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000 Resurgence of Terrorism in Pakistan: Evaluating Counterterrorism Strategies through a Human Security Lens https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1070 <p><em>The return of the Afghan Taliban to power in August 2021 was widely perceived by many observers as a strategic success for Pakistan due to its facilitative role in the Doha peace process and its long-standing engagement with the Taliban leadership. Contrary to these expectations, however, Pakistan witnessed a significant resurgence of terrorism, particularly through the renewed activities of Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The re-emergence of TTP has resulted in escalating violence across Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) and Balochistan, posing serious challenges to Pakistan's national security and internal stability. This study examines the factors contributing to the resurgence of TTP following the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan and critically analyzes Pakistan's response to the renewed terrorist threat. The paper explores the peace negotiations between the Government of Pakistan and TTP, assessing the motivations behind the talks and identifying the political, ideological, and strategic factors that led to their eventual failure. It further investigates the social, economic, and security consequences of terrorism on both the Pakistani state and local communities, highlighting the broader implications for human security. The study evaluates the effectiveness of Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy by examining both kinetic measures, including military operations and intelligence-based actions, and non-kinetic initiatives such as radicalization programs, community engagement, and policy reforms. Using a qualitative research methodology and relying on secondary sources, including government reports, academic literature, policy papers, and media analyses, the study employs the Human Security Framework as its analytical lens. The findings suggest that while Pakistan has achieved certain tactical successes in countering terrorism, significant structural and policy shortcomings continue to undermine long-term peace and security. The paper argues that an overreliance on state-centric security approaches has limited the effectiveness of counterterrorism efforts and emphasizes the need for comprehensive policies that prioritize human security, governance reforms, socio-economic development, and sustainable peacebuilding.</em></p> Dr. Bilal Aslam, Haider Shahzad Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/1070 Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000 Attitudes, Behavior, and Contradiction: Galtung's ABC Conflict Triangle and the Institutionalization of Structural Violence in BJP Minority Legislations (2014-2024) https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/985 <p><em>Johan Galtung's ABC conflict triangle is a core concept in Peace and Conflict Studies. This triangle comprises of Attitudes (A), Behavior (B), and Contradiction (C), and it has been applied in this paper to the decade-long Hindu nationalist governance in India between 2014 and 2024. This particular framework by Galtung's framework maintains that conflict is driven by the dynamic interaction of hostile attitudes between parties, conflict behaviors through which those attitudes are enacted, and an underlying structural contradiction whose persistence regenerates both attitudes and behaviors regardless of surface-level de-escalation. Drawing on Galtung's foundational formulations and on subsequent applications in conflict studies scholarship, this paper argues that all three vertices of the ABC triangle are simultaneously effective in the relationship between the State of India under the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) regime and the Muslim minority population, specifically during 2014-2024. It argues that the Attitudes are maintained through the Hindutva ideology and the political discourse that precedes this ideology, whereas the Behavior is the manifestation of a documented pattern of administrative demolition, legislative discrimination, and communal violence. Similarly, the primary Contradiction (C) is depicted by the structural incompatibility between ethnic majoritarian sovereignty and the constitutional guarantee of secularism and equal rights for all citizens. The core argument of this paper is therefore that the ABC Conflict Triangle framework of Galtun not only explains the pattern of structural violence in the said decade, but also addresses systemic causes explaining why the interventions in the behavior have been insufficient in bringing positive peace in India. With qualitative documentary analysis as its methodology, empirical evidence is drawn from Supreme Court proceedings, human rights documentation, political discourse analysis, and democratic erosion data.</em></p> Zulfiqar Ali, Maria Saifuddin Effendi Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/985 Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000 Empirical Evidence on the Impact of Remittance on Human Development in South Asia https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/945 <p><em>The main objective of this study is to investigate the impact of remittances on human development in the South Asian region. This region has experienced a substantial increase in remittance inflows over the past three decades, which has contributed to strengthening economies and improving human development. The study is based on a panel dataset covering the period from 1996 to 2020. The impact of remittances on human development is empirically examined using standard panel estimation techniques, specifically the fixed effects model. Five different empirical regression models are estimated. The findings reveal that remittances have a positive impact on human development in the South Asian region. Control of corruption also exerts a positive influence on human development, whereas population growth adversely affects it. Furthermore, all independent variables, except urbanization, including remittance inflows, foreign direct investment per capita, labor force participation rate, and control of corruption, demonstrate a favorable effect on human development.</em></p> Aqib Hussain, Dr. Farzana Naheed Khan, Rashid Rauf Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/945 Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000 The Limitations of Liberal Interdependence in Strategic Technologies: The Case Study of the U.S.–China Chip War https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/989 <p><em>This paper analyses the limitations of liberal interdependence theory in explaining the state’s behaviour in strategic technology sectors, using the U.S.-China semiconductor conflict as a case study. Semiconductors are incorporated in highly integrated global value chains (GVCs), with the United States generating over 48 percent of the world's chip design revenues, TSMC in Taiwan manufacturing 90 percent of advanced logic chip designs less than seven nanometers, and China supplying over 70 percent of global assembly, testing, and packaging, and importing more than USD 400 billion of chips each year. Despite such profound interdependence, the United States imposed export controls on Huawei and other Chinese companies in 2022, which threatens to cost the domestic companies billions of dollars annually. On the other hand, China has invested more than USD 150 billion since 2014 in the chip sector. These changes indicate the breakdown of the liberal assumptions of mutual vulnerability, the market's rationality, symmetry, and the separability of economic security in strategic areas. The results highlight the fact that economic integration does not necessarily limit strategic behaviour, which provides theoretical and policy implications for the governance of semiconductors and new high-tech sectors.</em></p> Haadia Riaz, Fouzia Amin Copyright (c) 2026 Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences https://ojs.mul.edu.pk/index.php/JPRSS/article/view/989 Tue, 30 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0000